Every day, people are killed because they stand up for tolerance, deny xenophobes, defy racists and counter religious hatred with tolerance, understanding and charity – principles deeply interwoven with some of the world’s great states and great religions.

Identity-based hate crime is only the last tool of those who seek to dismantle societies based on multi-culturalism, pluralism, social justice, the rule of law and tolerance.

ISIS is a case in point.

The group has rapidly evolved from a fringe band of pseudo-religious zealots into a ‘magnetic’ movement that promises to unshackle young men and women the world over from their ‘heretic servitude’. The fact that this poisonous fiction has turned into a global security pandemic should give pause for reflection by policy makers across European societies.

The fact that thousands of young men and women are leaving their homes, families andcommunities is less about the sudden appeal of Jihad. It is about a failure of western democracies to tackle the delicate politics of identity and integration. It is about the need for social policy to nurture respect, tolerance and inclusion; and – fundamentally – about a form of citizenship where winning hearts is as important as winning minds.

We need to confront some hard truths.

Since the 1950s “guest workers” have played a critical role in Europe’s economic revival –labouring in our fields and factories, building our highways.

Whilst some states have successfully integrated these populations with well-targeted education, vocational training and housing policies; in other contexts, integration has either been fundamentally rejected, insufficiently prioritized or simply poorly managed. The result is generations of exclusion and resentment.

Sure, the state can only do so much and tolerance must be learnt in the home, in the family, at school – not as curriculum but as behavioural norms and this takes time. Still, progressive policies can make a huge difference.

Take UNDP Kyrgyzstan’s “Enhancing Democratic Rule of Law and Preventing Conflict” project. It has targeted all debtors including Kyrgyz economic migrants in the Russian Federation (one of the groups most highly prone to radicalization.) This initiative has contributed to increased alimony payments from men by a third – and in doing so – has arguably reduced the risk of radicalization by encouraging fathers to take greater responsibility for their families. Whilst further research here is needed, anecdotal evidence is encouraging.

Pluralism and multiculturalism have no reverse gear. Our societies are indelibly changing before our eyes. This is not something to be feared – as long as it is properly managed.

The temptation not to address the challenges of multiculturalism is real, because it is a highly sensitive issue.

But when we choose to sweep such matters under the carpet, we face a major risk that societies may be dragged backwards by fear and populism into the politics of ethno-national chauvinism.

We need leaders who urgently promote inclusive citizenship as more than just the sum total of ethno-national, linguistic and religious heritage.

We must use social policy tools to ensure that schools, workplaces and cities are places where our biological, linguistic and religious inheritance is not all-defining.

It may sound counter-intuitive, but the key to defeating the menace posed by violent extremists is more tolerance, more inclusion, more social justice and more citizenship. That is precisely what extremists of all persuasions fear the most.